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In recent months, several officials and representatives of the European Union (EU) have visited Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states to advance ongoing discussions on closer political dialogue and economic cooperation. For example, in January 2025, the newly appointed EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission, Kaja Kallas, travelled to Saudi Arabia to discuss the fall of the Bashar al-Assad regime and the ongoing transition in Syria. Earlier, in November 2024, members of the EU’s Political and Security Committee (PSC), led by Chair Delphine Pronk, along with Hélène Le Gal, Managing Director for MENA at the European External Action Service (EEAS), and EU Special Representative for the Gulf, Luigi Di Maio, also visited Saudi Arabia. Still, the EU cooperates with the Gulf region in a number of areas such as trade, know-how transfer, maritime security, or cultural and educational exchange. However, potential is still untapped.

EU strengthens its focus on the Gulf region

Therefore, these visits underscore the EU’s strong political interest in deepening engagement with the Gulf states by recognizing their growing role as influential middle powers in a shifting global order. Since 2022, the EU has taken significant steps toward developing a more comprehensive and coherent strategy for cooperation with the Gulf, leading to a series of high-level meetings and summits. This effort culminated in the first-ever EU-GCC summit in October 2024 – a milestone symbolizing the commitment to joint action. Further reinforcing this engagement, the EU established the Directorate-General for the Middle East and North Africa (DG MENA) in February 2025 which also signals a deeper political and administrative commitment beyond high-level diplomacy.

Led by Commissioner for the Mediterranean, Dubravka Šuica, and Director-General Stefano Sannino – formerly Secretary-General of the EEAS and Italian Ambassador – DG MENA will focus on key areas such as investment, economic stability, employment, energy, transport, security, and migration. Within this framework, Austrian diplomat Michael Karnitschnig has been appointed to oversee Gulf region affairs. Karnitschnig previously served as Deputy Secretary-General for Inter-Institutional Relations (DG RELEX) at the European Commission and held positions in Austria’s Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Defence.

EU finds itself in a transitional period which will affect relations to the Gulf

In this context, the EU has sent a strong message to its Gulf partners: It is not only committed to strengthening political and diplomatic ties but also seeks to enhance cooperation at the technical and implementation levels. The shifting geopolitical landscape is putting increased pressure on the EU to act with greater unity and striving for strategic autonomy while managing the disruptions in transatlantic relations in a more sustainable manner, the necessity to enhance EU-Gulf cooperation has grown in recent months which is indicated by the regular frequency of joint meetings and visits. Amid the ongoing war in Ukraine and the Trump presidency, the EU has prioritized investments in strengthening European defence capabilities, as indicated by recent official announcements.

With the United States becoming an increasingly unreliable partner and President Donald Trump pursuing political and economic engagement with Russia, the EU faces one of its most significant challenges since its inception. As a result, the focus has shifted toward adapting to a new world order in which the traditional Western security framework, built on US military guarantees and vast defence spending, no longer holds the same relevance. Amid this dramatic and far-reaching shift in the global order, the EU must redefine its role – not only within Europe and in relation to the US, Russia, and Ukraine but also in its engagement with other key regions, including the Gulf.

In Riyadh, Abu Dhabi, and Doha, policymakers are acutely aware of Europe’s fragile position. Rising polarization and growing anti-European sentiments, coupled with increasing uncertainty among traditional European powerhouses, have placed the continent in a delicate situation. In Germany, for instance, a new government is being formed following the February 2025 elections, while economic recession, deep societal divisions, and frustration among political elites continue to destabilize the country’s policymaking structure. In France, the recent conviction of far-right leader Marine Le Pen for embezzlement of European funds risks further deepening domestic polarization and political instability. As Europe undergoes this transformative shift, its evolving internal dynamics will inevitably also influence its relations with the Gulf. Consequently, Gulf governments are watching developments in Brussels and other European capitals closely by paying particular attention to the signals being sent regarding future cooperation.

Challenges and chances

These messages present a double-edged sword. On the one hand, deep mistrust persists on the Gulf side as many officials view the EU as a fragmented, bureaucratic, and inefficient apparatus. The EU is often perceived as lacking both a coherent strategy and the necessary instruments to navigate shifting global power dynamics. Moreover, its normative political vision frequently clashes with the Gulf’s pragmatic, omni-balancing approach. In particular, stark divisions over the Gaza war – along with accusations of European “double standards” and “hypocrisy” – continue to dominate discourse in the Gulf and across the Arab world. As a result, this mistrust obstructs broader strategic cooperation, while practical technical collaboration remains challenging due to limited financial and human resources, differing strategic priorities, and internal divisions within Europe.

On the other hand, the EU has an opportunity to strengthen its position in a multipolar world order. Partners in the Gulf region still consider Europe as a tangible and relevant partner in economy, security, and trade. However, managing expectations realistically is crucial. To establish itself as a more viable partner, the EU must offer the Gulf tangible alternatives in trade, energy, investment, defence cooperation, and political narratives. First, negotiations on the long-pending GCC-EU free trade agreement (FTA) – or viable alternatives – must continue, aiming to establish a mutually beneficial framework.

For years, Gulf states have been voicing concerns over the delayed FTA process as it would enhance trade and connectivity beyond bilateral partnerships and open a significant window of opportunity for Gulf-Europe trade relations. Second, simplifying the Schengen visa waiver process for GCC citizens would facilitate stronger people-to-people and business-to-business connections, and discussions on this issue are still ongoing. Third, technological cooperation in areas of mutual interest, such as AI, digitalization, and smart technologies, should be expanded – without imposing normative conditions. Fourth, the EU remains an attractive model due to its open trade, free movement of people, educational initiatives like Erasmus+, and strategic projects like Global Gateway. Fifth, major upcoming events in the Gulf, such as the Riyadh Expo 2030 and the FIFA World Cup 2034, provide additional platforms for collaboration not just in business, but also in social, educational, and cultural spheres.

Finally, with EU member states shifting their focus toward military spending and economic revitalization, budgets for international cooperation and humanitarian aid are shrinking. The situation has been further exacerbated by Trump’s decision to dismantle USAID which adds pressure on global humanitarian and development efforts. As a result, conflict-affected regions are in even greater need of coordinated international aid. Hence, the EU must restructure its developmental strategy to become more efficient, credible, and professional. Furthermore, the EU also provides significant financial resources in emergency response which is also a key focus of Gulf states humanitarian engagement. While both sides continue to provide bilateral and multilateral aid and technical assistance, no joint implementation mechanisms are in place. In this context, EU-GCC collaboration in development cooperation and emergency response remains a largely untapped opportunity.

Nevertheless, positive steps have been taken. In March 2025, Maciej Popowski, Director-General of European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations, travelled to Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar as a follow-up to the first EU-GCC meeting in 2024. During his trip, Popowski discussed with Gulf stakeholders chances for enhanced coordination and cooperation. His participation in the 4th Riyadh International Humanitarian Forum, along with the announcement of a new UAE aid agency, could lead to greater harmonization, and cost-sharing in humanitarian efforts. The 4th Riyadh International Humanitarian Forum provides a relevant platform to expand institutional and individual networking and exchange on aid policies. Thus, the forum underlines the Gulf states’ growing efforts to position themselves as strategic partners in development assistance and reconstruction efforts.

ReliefEU, the EU’s emergency response mechanism, also maintains a stockpile in Dubai, serving as a key logistical hub for delivering aid to crisis-affected areas. Additionally, growing interest in addressing joint challenges such as extreme weather events and sustainable urban development has fostered greater cooperation between the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations (DG ECHO) and the GCC Emergency Management Centre in Kuwait. This collaboration aims to enhance a humanitarian region-to-region approach. In this context, the EU is also supporting the GCC in strengthening nuclear safety by integrating radiological monitoring and harmonizing emergency preparedness measures.

Furthermore, fields of joint action include discussions about reconstruction efforts in conflicts and war zones such as those in Gaza and Syria. However, reconstruction cannot be effectively implemented as long as the donor community operates in silos and is lacking comprehensive coordination with local partners. The current geopolitical situation is thus increasing pressure on both the Gulf and Europe to identify financial synergies and co-funding opportunities to address these urgent humanitarian needs.

EU and GCC could create a joint narrative of cooperation and coordination

In light of shared challenges, the EU and the GCC should strive to frame their respective models in a more cohesive and coordinated manner in terms of economic diversification, security, development cooperation and aid policies. Joint visits and high-ranking delegations as well as exchange formats provide opportunities to work on more enhanced partnership. However, this is not enough. Instead, significant potential exists to create a joint narrative and regional branding that could generate synergies, fostering collaboration by framing opportunities and challenges as shared tasks, rather than focusing on divergences. A positive narrative is already being promoted across the Gulf, with all GCC countries positioning themselves as developing, dynamic, and innovative hubs for excellence and talent. For Europe, however, such a shift in narrative remains more challenging, as it grapples with increasing internal fragmentation driven by right-wing parties, anti-EU movements, and growing economic and social crises. Nevertheless, despite these challenges, the EU still offers a powerful model for economic development, technological innovation, and social resilience.