In South of Sidon (Sidon) lies the largest Palestinian refugee camp. Two square kilometers of cities within cities, interconnecting one another in a variety of fences, borders and walls that rigidly control those who live within. This agglomeration of people, currently more than 61,000, is crowded in an imbroglio of alleys and dimly lit streets.
In 10 year-times, the camp's population has risen by 70% and the current turmoil in Syrian has augmented its refugee's influx (more than 6,000 Syrians live in the camp). This congestion of people from distinct realities has been the scene of battles between two different militias: Fatah and the radical Islamist groups, adding an extra layer to the dire situation of refugees in the camp.
In fact, a variety of actors have been playing different roles and involved in distinct modes of governance within this space, contributing to its suspension under the cover of the laws and regulations. According to the Cairo Agreement of 1969, this Palestinian camp in Lebanon was removed from the stern jurisdiction under the Lebanese army, meaning that the army could not interfere in the camp unless in exceptional circumstances. Although signed, this agreement has never come into force, leaving the vacuum of security to militias, such as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (formerly Jabhat al-Nusra) and the Islamic State (IS).
These events prompted officials to review the plan for the deployment of patrols as well as their interference in the Ain El-Heloué camp. If the arrival of radical Islamist groups has become a nightmare, the new security plan implemented by officials has posed an additional challenge to the Islamist groups’ leaders who refuse to accept its scheme, helping to amplify the dissent.
Additionally, among an array of fences and walls, Ain El-Heloué became a nest to a considerable number of people, no fewer than 128, sought by the Lebanese justice, who hide in migration flows for survival. Not to mention the radical Islamist groups, who seek out destinations beyond their homeland, as their space becomes more and more limited in Iraq and Syria. About twenty of them have taken up residence in the midst of the crowd.
Among these radical Islamist groups, there is Bilal Badr and his affiliated groups who takes control of a great part of al-Tiri district. An official from the Fatah al-Islam movement who fought for al-Qaida in order to establish his supremacy over other Islamist groups, Bilal Badr have recently sought to leave al-Tiri after an extremely complex negotiation. According to the Lebanese news agency, ANI, among the negotiators were a senior official from the Salafist Islamic group Osbat el-Ansar. The aftermath of this agreement was transmitted to the Palestinian National Security, Fathi Abu el-Ardate, who proposed the following formula:
- A cease-fire must be announced by Tuesday 18 April at 10am at the Fatah base
- Bilal Badr and his supporters are considered as fugitives by the joint security forces and must be arrested immediately.
- The joint security force is deployed in the al-Tiri district and in any other area where it considers necessary to intervene.
If this security operation is to bring peace and security back to the Palestinian camp of Ain El-Heloue, Fatah may be pleased with its success, even though there have been about ten deaths and fifty wounded. Yet, the organized flight of Bilal Badr remains worrying. The man who has been a great ally to al-Qaeda is now wanted by the National Security, but nevertheless remains a dangerous target in a particularly sensitive area.